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    Jansen & Janssen is een onderzoeksburo dat politie, justitie, inlichtingendiensten, overheid in Nederland en de EU kritisch volgt. Een grondrechten kollektief dat al 40 jaar, sinds 1984, publiceert over uitbreiding van repressieve wetgeving, publiek-private samenwerking, veiligheid in breedste zin, bevoegdheden, overheidsoptreden en andere staatsaangelegenheden.
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    • Fox-IT en het Nederlandse exportbeleid voor dual-use goederen
    February 28, 2022

    Sinds de Arabische Lente zijn meerdere westerse computer- en beveiligingsbedrijven in opspraak geraakt vanwege hun leveranties aan repressieve regimes in het Midden-Oosten. Sommige bedrijven zijn daarvoor ook juridisch vervolgd. Ook in Nederland stond de export van Nederlandse bedrijven (waaronder Fox-IT) naar landen in het Midden-Oosten rond 2011 in de politieke en publieke belangstelling.

    Het Midden-Oosten was vanaf 2006 een belangrijke afzetmarkt voor het Nederlandse bedrijf Fox-IT, actief op de markt voor de surveillance-industrie in de regio. Volgens Dirk Peeters (toenmalig Vice President Business Development van het bedrijf) maakte Fox-IT in de periode 2008-2011 met de internationale verkoop een totale omzet van 20 miljoen euro. De helft hiervan (10 miljoen euro) betrof de verkoop van producten aan ‘LEA (Law Enforcement Agencies)’, waarvan 4 miljoen euro in het Midden-Oosten.
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    Geheime dienst probeerde activist tegen politiegeweld te ronselen
    February 6, 2022

    Op de internationale dag voor de rechten van de mens is een activist die zich inzet voor ‘Justice voor Sammy’ benaderd door de inlichtingendienst, de AIVD. Sammy Baker (Samuel Seewald) is op 13 augustus 2020 door de politie in Amsterdam doodgeschoten. Twee agenten van de geheime dienst zaten in de ochtend van 10 december 2021 bij hem op de bank en wilden hem werven als informant. Daarna hebben ze met behulp van agenten van de Amsterdamse politie op illegale wijze de camerabeelden van het appartementencomplex waar de activist woont in beslag genomen.

    Het voorval illustreert eens te meer dat de AIVD er niet is om de rechtstaat te beschermen, maar om politiegeweld te vergoelijken. Dat is ongepast in een democratische rechtstaat. Politie en openbaar ministerie behoren transparant te zijn over de gebeurtenissen rond de dood van Sammy en de stappen die de overheid neemt in het kader van gedegen opsporingsonderzoek en vervolging van betrokken politiefunctionarissen. Mensen die politiegeweld aan de kaak stellen, intimideren en bespioneren zorgen voor een verdere erosie van het vertrouwen in de rechtstaat.   lees meer

    Ouders activist lastiggevallen over twitterbericht dat niet van de activist is
    January 30, 2022

    In 2021 kregen mijn ouders tot drie keer toe bezoek van steeds twee agenten al dan niet in uniform. Volgens de agenten willen ze mij spreken over een twitterbericht over een ‘internationale bijeenkomst’ in de huiskroeg van Johnboy Willemse ‘De Nationalist’ in Ravenstein. Het bericht is niet van mij, maar de agenten zijn naar alle waarschijnlijk bij mij terecht gekomen omdat ik politiek actief ben binnen Antifa.

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    Preventief fouilleren in Amsterdam, een evaluatie
    January 6, 2022

    Recent openbaar gemaakte documenten over preventief fouilleren in Amsterdam leveren een beeld op van een gemeentelijke organisatie gericht op beeldvorming in plaats van het formuleren van goed beleid. De openbaar gemaakte documenten (onderaan dit verhaal) zijn samen met andere beschikbare informatie gebruikt voor het onderzoek “Preventief fouilleren in Amsterdam, een evaluatie”.

    Lang voordat het laatste debat met de raad had plaatsgevonden stond het besluit van de burgemeester om preventief fouilleren weer in te zetten al vast. Het Afdelingshoofd Beleid & strategie van het Openbaar Ministerie geeft in september 2020, een jaar voor de pilot, aan preventief fouilleren vooral “voor de bühne” te vinden en krijgt daarop als antwoord van een ambtenaar dat die discussie een “gepasseerd station” is. In april 2021 is in ambtelijke e-mails te
    lezen: “Hoewel de BM bereid is (begrijp ik) om de proef ook zonder een meerderheid door te zetten, vind ik dat we nog een laatste handreiking moeten doen. De coalitiepartijen zullen weliswaar onvermurwbaar blijven, maar voor de beeldvorming is dit wel van belang.”

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    Operation Whistle Pig: Inside the secret CBP unit with no rules that investigates Americans
    December 30, 2021

    It was almost 10 p.m. on a Thursday night, and Ali Watkins was walking around the capital following instructions texted by a stranger. One message instructed her to walk through an abandoned parking lot near Washington, D.C.’s Dupont Circle, and then wait at a laundromat. Then came a final cryptic instruction: She was to enter an unmarked door on Connecticut Avenue leading to a hidden bar.

    The Sheppard, an upscale speakeasy, was so dimly lit it was sometimes hard to see the menu, let alone a stranger at the bar. But amid the red velvet upholstery, Watkins, then a reporter at Politico, almost immediately spotted the man she was supposed to meet: He was wearing a corduroy blazer and jeans and had a distinctive gap between his teeth.

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    How the recent CAIR spy scandal unveils an Islamophobic Informant Industrial Complex in US surveillance (2021)
    December 30, 2021
    The recent discovery of two informants within the Council for American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) reveals one of the most nefarious dimensions of Islamophobic surveillance in the US: the informant industrial complex, writes Khaled A. Beydoun.
    This past September marked the 20th anniversary of the 9/11 terror attacks. It also marked two decades of state-sponsored surveillance that pierced deep into the most intimate spaces of Muslim American life. Students and civic organizations, homes and the very electronic devices lodged within them – and more recently – those we carry in our very palms.

    If anything, the past twenty years revealed that surveillance – the enterprise of monitoring people on account of their ethnic or spiritual identity – is the touchstone of structural Islamophobia. The system whereby the state conflates Muslim identity with “terror suspects” and justifies strident measures of policing that violate foundational constitutional safeguards.

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    Informant tells of role in FBI probes (2009)
    December 30, 2021

    Since he was a teen, Craig Monteilh has pretended to be someone he wasn’t – Russian, Muslim, a white supremacist.

    It was a skill he learned early, says Monteilh, a 47-year-old Irvine man who, according to court records, provided information to the FBI.

    He learned to gain people’s trust – even while pretending to be someone else. It’s a skill that FBI agents and police officers helped him hone, he says. It’s a skill that he sharpened in his role as an informant in several investigations.

    First recruited by narcotics investigators in late 2003, Monteilh says he gained the trust of law enforcement officials by giving information on bank robberies, murder-for-hire investigations and cases involving white-supremacist gangs.

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    How the FBI Spied on Orange County Muslims And Attempted to Get Away With It (2021)
    December 30, 2021

    In 2006, the FBI ordered an informant to pose as a Muslim convert and spy on the congregants of several large, diverse mosques in Orange County, California. The agent, Craig Monteilh, professed his conversion before hundreds of congregants during the month of Ramadan. Renaming himself “Farouk,” the informant quickly made friends and impressed members of the community with his seeming devotion. The whole time, he was secretly recording conversations and filming inside people’s homes, mosques, and businesses using devices hidden in everyday objects, like the keychain fob of his car keys.

    Among those subjected to FBI spying were Sheik Yassir Fazaga, the imam of the Orange County Islamic Foundation (OCIF), and Ali Uddin Malik and Yasser Abdelrahim, congregants at the Islamic Center of Irvine (ICOI). Together, they sued the FBI in 2011 for unlawfully targeting Muslim community members in violation of their constitutional rights to religious freedom and privacy. The FBI attempted to stop the litigation of the plaintiffs’ religious discrimination claims by arguing that further proceedings could reveal state secrets. After an appeals court ruled in the plaintiffs’ favor in 2019, the FBI appealed to the Supreme Court, which will hear the case on Nov. 8.

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    How an FBI informant destroyed the fabric of an entire community
    December 30, 2021
    As the Supreme Court hears the case of three Muslim Americans suing the FBI for spying on them, the trio detail how the operation tore apart their community

    During the early 2000s, the Muslim community in Southern California was thriving. While the faith group as a whole was dealing with a deluge of Islamophobic attacks post 9/11, the Muslim community in the suburbs of Los Angeles seemed to be expanding every day.

    Soon after the doors of the Islamic Centre of Irvine opened in 2004, it was regularly welcoming around a thousand people for Friday prayers.

    “I don’t use this word sanctuary lightly. It was exactly that, a sanctuary. It was literally a place where you can get away from the hustle and bustle of the day to day. You can get away from the media onslaught on Muslims post-9/11 and you can come to a location where you can feel proud and at peace with being Muslim,” Ali Uddin Malik, a member of the community, told Middle East Eye.

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    Post-9/11 surveillance has left a generation of Muslim Americans in a shadow of distrust and fear
    December 30, 2021

    Mohamed Bahe tries not to remember the overwhelming pain he felt the night he learned a volunteer with his organization, Muslims Giving Back, was a paid informant for the New York City Police Department.

    In 2011, Bahe, a Muslim American whose family came to the U.S. from Algeria, had spent months kickstarting his community volunteer group, focused on feeding the homeless and delivering food to families in need. The group worked with different mosques near where he lived in Queens, and its members were becoming familiar faces in a community that had grown wary of outsiders. The heightened scrutiny of law enforcement on Muslim communities had mosque-goers skeptical of people they had not seen before. Mosques, once the center of social life in a community, had become a quiet place where people felt like a stranger could be an informant or an undercover police officer.

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    Police intelligence officer ‘told to doctor reports’ about terrorism informant
    December 30, 2021

    A police intelligence officer fabricated reports about a terrorism informant in a highly classified database after allegedly being instructed to by superiors, The Times has learnt.

    The rogue special branch unit, linked with MI5, that the detective constable worked for was disbanded after he retrospectively altered intelligence reports

    Phil Moran, a counterterrorism agent handler at British Transport Police (BTP), claimed that he was ordered by his superiors to manipulate information on the National Special Branch Intelligence System to deceive the surveillance watchdog. BTP’s director of intelligence, Detective Superintendent Paul Shrubsole, was dismissed at a secret misconduct hearing and another senior officer retired before disciplinary proceedings were brought. Shrubsole denies any wrongdoing.

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    For Two Decades, Americans Told One Lie After Another About What They Were Doing in Afghanistan
    December 30, 2021

    In the immediate aftermath of the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan in late 2001, U.S.-backed Afghan warlord Abdul Rashid Dostum’s forces murdered hundreds, perhaps thousands, of Taliban prisoners by jamming them into metal shipping containers and letting them suffocate. At the time, Dostum was on the CIA’s payroll and had been working with U.S. special forces to oust the Taliban from power.

    The Bush administration blocked subsequent efforts to investigate the mass murder, even after the FBI interviewed witnesses among the surviving Afghans who had been moved to the U.S. prison in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, and after human rights officials publicly identified the mass grave site where Dostum’s forces had disposed of bodies. Later, President Barack Obama promised to investigate, and then took no action.

    Instead, Hollywood stepped in and turned Dostum into a hero. The 2018 movie, “12 Strong,” a jingoistic account of the partnership between U.S. special forces and Dostum in the 2001 invasion, whitewashed Dostum — even as his crimes continued to pile up in the years after the prisoner massacre. At the time of the movie’s January 2018 release, Dostum was in exile, hiding from criminal charges in Afghanistan for having ordered his bodyguards to rape a political opponent, including with an assault rifle. The movie (filmed in New Mexico, not Afghanistan) was based on a book that a New York Times reviewer called “a rousing, uplifting, Toby Keith-singing piece of work.”

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    Warlord Dostum back in the fray as Taliban overwhelm Afghan north
    December 30, 2021

    The scene was a familiar one as warlord Abdul Rashid Dostum jetted into northern Afghanistan this week — a promise of bloodshed and vengeance, and no apology for his vicious past.

    Despite a series of war crimes linked to his forces, the Afghan government is hoping Dostum’s military acumen and seething hatred of the Taliban can help beat back the current insurgent offensive.

    At 67, the greying Uzbek militia leader is not quite in the fighting shape of his youth — he has just returned from medical treatment in Turkey — but his desire to be on the frontline does not appear to have dimmed.

    Loaded on a commercial jet with a contingent of commandos, Dostum headed north Wednesday to join the battle for Mazar-i-Sharif after his nearby Sheberghan stronghold was captured by the Taliban at the weekend.

    Dostum was back in the fight.

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    The US Used Afghan Women to Justify Its War. Now, It’s Leaving Them Behind. (2021)
    December 30, 2021

    “We must be accountable to the crisis we helped create.”

    Four days after Taliban-controlled Kabul fell to the United States and its military allies in 2001, First Lady Laura Bush took over the mic for her husband’s customary weekly radio address. “The fight against terrorism is also a fight for the rights and dignity of women,” Bush declared. “Because of our recent military gains, in much of Afghanistan women are no longer imprisoned in their homes. They can listen to music and teach their daughters without fear of punishment.”Rhetoric around women’s rights in Afghanistan, and portrayals of US military forces as saviors of Afghan women, have been used to justify the US war there from the beginning. Nine days after US bombs started dropping, Rep. Carolyn Maloney (D-N.Y.) donned a burqa on the House floor to declare the offensive a “just war, which we have no choice but to wage” while listing the Taliban’s many restrictions on women’s lives—no work, no school, no medical care from male doctors—and their devastating economic and health consequences. The same day as Bush’s address, the State Department published a report that concluded: “Today, with Kabul and other Afghan cities liberated from the Taliban, women are returning to their rightful place in Afghan society—the place they and their families choose to have.” The following week, the New York Times editorial board hopped on the train, praising the liberation of Afghan women as a “collateral benefit” of the war, and calling for women’s participation in civic life and government.

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    CIA-backed Afghan troops ‘committed war crimes’: report (2019)
    December 30, 2021

    Afghan strike forces backed by the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) have committed abuses “amounting to war crimes”, according to a new report.

    Human Rights Watch (HRW) alleges the troops “committed summary executions and other grave abuses without accountability”.

    These include extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances and attacks on healthcare facilities.

    Afghanistan’s government told the BBC the current situation was unacceptable.

    Disputing the report, the CIA said its covert operations were carried out in “accordance with law and under a robust system of oversight”.

    Both the UN and the New York Times have previously highlighted allegations of abuses by Afghan strike teams.

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