Student campaigners created stickers imitating G4S’ logo to raise awareness on campus. (Photo courtesey of Palestine Committee at the University of Oslo)

In a major success for the campaign against Israeli prison contractor G4S, the University of Oslo has announced that it will terminate its contract with the company in July 2013.

G4S is a private security company that has a contract to provide equipment and services to Israeli prisons at which Palestinian political prisoners, including child prisoners, are detained and mistreated. G4S also provides equipment and services to checkpoints, illegal settlements and businesses in settlements. The Israeli governmentrecently confirmed that G4S also provides equipment to Israel’s illegal apartheid wall.

Student activists with the Palestine Committee at the University of Oslo began campaigning in August for the university to not renew its contract with G4S, which has been providing security services on campus since 2010. Campaigners plastered the campus with “Boycott G4S” stickers that imitated real G4S stickers and the student parliament voted to support the campaign. Students have also held demonstrations and other actions on campus.

The university had the option to extend the contract for another year beyond its original expiry date of March 2013 but has now negotiated a termination date of 1 July 2013. The University of Oslo does not want to “support companies that operate in an ethical grey area” and new ethical procurement guidelines will be developed to prevent any future contracts with companies involved in human rights abuses, university director Ole Petter Ottersen has said.

In November, a petition signed by 21 organizations including trade unions, political parties and nongovernmental organizations such as Amnesty International was sent to G4S Norway. The signatories stated: ”G4S must immediately withdraw from all activities on occupied Palestinian land and halt all deliveries to Israeli prisons in which Palestinian prisoners are imprisoned in violation of the Geneva conventions.”

There are campaigns against G4S in several other European countries including Denmark, Sweden, the UK and Belgium and several public bodies, nongovernmental organizations and private companies have already been succesfully persuaded to cut their ties to the company.
Continued deception

While attempting to defend its support for Israeli violations of international law to Norwegian media outlets, G4S repeated earlier claims that it intends to pull out of several contracts to provide equipment to Israeli settlements and checkpoints by 2015, creating the false impression that it is ending all support for Israeli violations of international law.

Yet if G4S is serious about ending its complicity, why doesn’t it end all involvement in settlements immediately? The comapny has so far not announced any plans to end its provision of security services to private businesses in illegal Israeli settlements.

Most importantly, G4S continues to omit any mention of its role in prisons inside Israelin its public communications in response to campaigns, making clear its intent to continue its role in the Israeli prison system, underlining the need for continued campaigning.

Posted on December 11, 2012 by Michael Deas at Electronic Intifada

Find this story at 11 December 2012

G4S will face its “next big test” of government support as early as next month after it was stripped of a key prison contract in the wake of the company’s Olympics security shambles.
FTSE 100 security group is waiting to hear whether it will be reappointed on a contract to provide electronic tagging of offenders. MPs stopped short of calling for the resignation of chief executive Nick Buckles after the Olympics fiasco.

The FTSE 100 security group is waiting to hear whether it will be reappointed on a contract to provide electronic tagging of offenders services across England and Wales, worth £50m of annual revenue to the company.

G4S and Serco gained an extension to an existing contract in 2009, which is due to expire in March 2013. It is understood that the Ministry of Justice (MoJ) is considering bids for the next phase of the contract with an announcement expected next month.

Under the existing contract G4S and Serco manage the entire process including the technology, tagging, and monitoring of offenders, in two regions each. Under the next phase, the contract will not be split into regions but “services”, with one company providing technology across England and Wales and the other providing tagging for example. In September G4S won a contract to provide tagging services in Scotland.

G4S declined to comment on the contract in England and Wales, but David Brockton, analyst at Espirito Santo, said it would be “the next big test”.

The MoJ said on Thursday it would strip G4S of its contract to manage HMP Wolds in East Yorkshire when its contract expires in July 2013, with management reverting to the public sector.
Related Articles
Olympics security firm G4S loses contract to run Wolds prison 08 Nov 2012
G4S rebounds after Olympics fiasco 06 Nov 2012
Olympics fiasco: G4S to be frozen out in future 22 Jul 2012
Political risks are getting too hot for private companies 08 Nov 2012.

…

By Angela Monaghan

7:30AM GMT 11 Nov 2012

Find this story at 11 November 2012

© Copyright of Telegraph Media Group Limited 2012

Another shambles as security giant leaves asylum seeker living in squalor

An asylum seeker with a five-month-old baby claims she was placed in a property by the private contractor G4S that was infested with cockroaches and slugs. The woman, who was trafficked to the UK and sold into prostitution before seeking asylum, claims she and her baby were left in the house for weeks before the local council intervened to ensure they were rehoused.

Leeds City Council contacted G4S, and their property sub-contractors Cascade, earlier this week after their inspectors found the property was a “Category 1 Hazard” and unfit for human habitation in its current condition. G4S holds contracts to supply accommodation to asylum contracts across much of England as part of the UK Border Agency’s COMPASS project.

The woman, known as Angela, says she was “dumped” at the property after she refused to accept an alternative place offered to her on the basis that the filth, mould and damp there would pose a health risk to her child.

She made repeated complaints to both G4S and Cascade and was told by the firms that they had carried out their own inspections and were satisfied the accommodations was “decent”.

“One of the people said to me when I rang ‘slugs are not harmful, even if your baby eats one of them’” she told The Independent.

Angela, who was forced into prostitution after being trafficked to the UK in 2000, was initially housed in a “nice” one-bed flat by UKBA after seeking refuge from her handlers.

But when her son was born she was moved to an area contracted to G4S and sub-contracted to property firm Cascade. “When I came here I said ‘this house doesn’t look safe for me and my child to live in’, there were cockroaches and slugs,” Angela recalls. “They took me to another property and that was absolutely disgusting, worse than this one. The kitchen smells of wee, the whole place, words cannot describe I was crying, I was screaming”.

…

Charlotte Philby
Friday, 14 December 2012

Find This story at 14 December 2012

© independent.co.uk

Paul IJsbrand Kraaijer en zijn spiegelpaleis: Van Buttonboy tot Spion

I – INLEIDING

Op 3 juni 2011 kondigde De Telegraaf de onthulling van een informant in extreem-linkse kringen aan. Met op de achtergrond de zee is in een korte video te zien hoe John van den Heuvel een man interviewt die zegt dat hij 25 jaar voor de inlichtingendienst heeft gewerkt. Dezelfde dag is de naam van de persoon in de video bekend: Paul Kraaijer.

De volgende dag verschijnt op pagina 6 van dezelfde ochtendkrant een eerste artikel dat gevolgd wordt door een tweede op 6 juni 2011. Kraaijer wordt neergezet als spion. In de weken die volgen gaat de discussie in de media en op internet vooral over de dubbelrol die Paul al die jaren zou hebben gespeeld: journalist en informant.

Het verhaal van Paul wordt als waarheid aangenomen, maar gezien het gebrek aan details zijn er grote vraagtekens te zetten bij de claim van de ‘spion’. Tevens rijst de vraag of De Telegraaf wel onderzoek naar Kraaijer heeft gedaan. Vragen aan de AIVD leveren niets op, dus is daarvoor uitgebreid bronnen raadplegen en archief-/persoonsonderzoek nodig.

John van den Heuvel heeft Kraaijer op 31 mei 2011 geïnterviewd, het eerste artikel verscheen op 4 juni. Het contact tussen van den Heuvel en Kraaijer is weliswaar al eerder tot stand gekomen, maar veel opzienbarende details heeft de ‘informant’ dan nog niet verteld. In Suriname, waar Paul thans woont, ontstaat ophef over zijn informantenrol en wordt hij door de journalistenvakbond aan de kant gezet.

Vervolgens probeert Kraaijer nog zijn verhaal in boekvorm uit te brengen, maar als uitgevers geen interesse tonen, biedt hij het op zijn weblog als pdf-bestand aan tegen betaling. Vervolgens wordt het door derden op het internet gepubliceerd. ‘Het dubbelleven van een AIVD-infiltrant/informant’ is in wezen een uitgebreide versie van de artikelen in De Telegraaf, veel nieuwe feiten staan er niet in. Wel veel persoonlijke dingen over het denken, doen en laten van Paul. De krant die Kraaijer jarenlang heeft ondersteund, gevolgd en ruimte heeft geboden voor zijn acties, de Zwolse Courant, kopt op 1 oktober na publicatie van het online-manuscript: ”AIVD-mol’ loopt leeg, maar wie wil het weten?’

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Afgelopen zomer werd ‘Carlijn’, fotografe in opleiding, door de RID Amstelland benaderd met de vraag of zij voor hen foto’s wilde maken van linkse activisten. Carlijn weigerde resoluut, maar hield een naar gevoel over van het huisbezoek.

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In de VS is een controverse ontstaan naar aanleiding van een publicatie over de mogelijke aanwezigheid van een FBI-informant bij de Black Panthers in de jaren ’60. Deed Richard Masato Aoki het nu wel of niet?

Op 20 augustus 2012 publiceerde The Center for Investigative Reporting (CIR) een verhaal over Richard Masato Aoki, een voormalig lid van de Black Panther Party in de jaren ’60-’70 en inmiddels overleden. Op de website van CIR gaf Seth Rosenfeld het artikel de titel ‘Man who armed Black Panthers was FBI informant, records show.’ De San Francisco Chronicle publiceerde nog dezelfde dag exact hetzelfde verhaal met de titel ‘Activist Richard Aoki named as informant.’ Het nuanceverschil in de kop van markeert de discussie die zich ontpopte in de dagen die volgden.

lees meer

Op 28 november 2010 maakte Wikileaks in samenwerking met vijf dagbladen (The New York Times, The Guardian, Der Spiegel, Le Monde en El País) enkele documenten van de 251.287 diplomatieke telegrammen (cables) afkomstig van Amerikaanse ambassades en consulaten openbaar. In de maanden die volgden werd er veel aandacht aan deze cables besteed, maar al snel verschoof de publiciteit naar de voorman van Wikileaks, Julian Assange.
lees meer

nieuwsblog.burojansen.nl is een initiatief van Buro Jansen & Janssen. Op nieuwsblog posten wij artikelen, berichten, verhalen en andere zaken van derden. Het gaat hierbij om berichten over veiligheids-, inlichtingen- en politiediensten in binnen- en buitenland. Ook verhalen over de Wet Openbaarheid van Bestuur, mensenrechtenschendingen en aanverwante onderwerpen komen aan bod. Het betreft informatie dat we tijdens onze onderzoeken verzameld hebben maar ook afkomstig is van derden: kritische burgers, sympathisanten, journalisten en NGO’s.
lees meer

Voor je ligt, na ruim een jaar arbeid, een rekonstruktie en analiese van ‘DE AFFAIRE GARDINER’. Zestig pagina’s over een van de belangrijkste naoorlogse aan het licht gekomen en toegegeven infiltratiezaken. Lees hoe de BVD de vredesbeweging niet alleen infiltreert, maar ook provoceert. Deze publikatie is gemaakt door ‘de rekonstruktiegroep’: een dertigtal aktivisten uit, de vredesbewegingen en anti-militaristiese kring. Meer precies is het onderzoek en schrijfwerk uitgevoerd door een deelgroep uit die rekonstruktiegroep; de zg. onderzoekgroep. Na een jaar werken is het resultaat voorgelegd aan de rekonstruktiegroep en is besloten tot publikatie. De publikatie als zodanig is verzorgd en wordt uitgegeven door AMOK.
lees meer

Bij het toezichtsrapport inzake de rubricering van staatsgeheimen door de AIVD
Bij de uitoefening van zijn taken heeft de Algemene Inlichtingen- en Veiligheidsdienst (AIVD) in belangrijke mate te maken met staatsgeheime informatie. Staatsgeheime informatie raakt het belang van de Staat of van diens bondgenoten. Voorkomen moet worden dat staatsgeheime informatie ter kennis komt van personen die niet tot kennisneming daarvan gerechtigd zijn. Staatsgeheime informatie moet op een voorgeschreven wijze als zodanig worden aangemerkt. Het aanmerken van informatie als staatsgeheime informatie is het rubriceren. De Commissie van Toezicht betreffende de Inlichtingen- en Veiligheidsdiensten (hierna: de Commissie) heeft een onderzoek verricht naar de vraag of de AIVD de rubricering van staatsgeheimen juist toepast. lees meer

Wordt dan donateur. Ook voor 2013 weer veel plannen. Natuurlijk een serie nieuwsbrieven met eigen onderzoek, maar ook enkele websites. Een archief website over de inlichtingendiensten, Crowd Digging, de Nederlandse cables, waarbij de informatie achter de Wikileaks documenten boven tafel wordt gehaald, onderzoek naar Mark Kennedy (engelse infiltrant in de milieubeweging), veilig internetten website, misschien nu eindelijk een magazine over preventief fouilleren, en eindelijk een nieuw boek project. Daarnaast zijn wij vraagbaak en proberen mensen te ondersteunen. Al die plannen en het werk kosten ook geld. Vandaar dat Jansen & Janssen 50 nieuwe donateurs zoekt die maandelijks met 10 euro ons werk ondersteunen. Wordt donateur of vraag familie, vrienden en bekenden donateur te worden. ING 603904 ten name van Stichting Res Publica, Postbus 11556, 1001 GN Amsterdam. Res Publica is de stichting van Jansen & Janssen (IBAN: NL56 INGB 0000 6039 04, BIC: INGBNL2A).
Buro Jansen & Janssen is aangemerkt als ANBI (Algemeen Nut Beogende Instellingen) instelling. Dit betekent voor mensen die ons willen steunen het volgende:
– Als een instelling door de Belastingdienst is aangewezen als een ANBI, kan een donateur giften van de inkomsten- of vennootschapsbelasting aftrekken (uiteraard binnen de daarvoor geldende regels).
Voor Buro Jansen & Janssen betekent dit:
– Een ANBI hoeft geen successierecht of schenkingsrecht te betalen over erfenissen en schenkingen die de ANBI ontvangt in het kader van het algemeen belang.
– Uitkeringen die een ANBI doet in het algemene belang zijn vrijgesteld voor het recht van schenking.

Op 3 juni 2011 kondigde De Telegraaf de onthulling van een informant in extreem-linkse kringen aan. Met op de achtergrond de zee is in een korte video te zien hoe John van den Heuvel een man interviewt die zegt dat hij 25 jaar voor de inlichtingendienst heeft gewerkt. Dezelfde dag is de naam van de persoon in de video bekend: Paul IJsbrand Kraaijer. Vervolgens verschijnen er twee artikelen over het leven van Paul Kraaijer op 4 en 6 juni 2011.

In de weken die volgen gaat de discussie in de media en op internet vooral over de dubbelrol die Kraaijer al die jaren zou hebben gespeeld: journalist en informant. Er ontstaat ophef over zijn informantenrol en in Suriname, waar Paul thans woont, wordt hij door de journalistenvakbond en zijn werkgever aan de kant gezet. Vervolgens probeert Kraaijer nog zijn verhaal in boekvorm uit te brengen, maar als uitgevers geen interesse tonen, zet hij het op het internet. ‘Het dubbelleven van een AIVD-infiltrant/informant’ is in wezen een uitgebreide versie van de artikelen in De Telegraaf, veel nieuwe feiten staan er niet in.

Hier volgt een korte schets van het onderzoek en de conclusies. Het volledige onderzoek is als pdf te downloaden of de website van Jansen & Janssen te lezen.

Het onderzoek
artikel als pdf (samenvatting onderzoek)

Bob Rae: Interim Leader of the Liberal Party of Canada and Former Premier of Ontario

OTTAWA – The RCMP spied on Bob Rae during his student activist days and likely amassed a personal dossier on the future Liberal leader, newly declassified documents reveal.

Mountie security agents, wary of late-1960s campus turmoil, kept a close eye on the University of Toronto student council — apparently relying on a secret informant to glean information about Rae and other council members.

The RCMP Security Service conducted widespread surveillance of universities, unions, peace groups and myriad other organizations during the Cold War in an effort to identify left-wing subversives.

A surprised Rae says he had no idea the RCMP was watching him.

“The notion that any of this posed a kind of a threat to the established order certainly would have come as news to all of us,” he said in an interview.

“The only thing sinister, frankly, in all of this is how much of it was being recorded and reported and presumably being put in a file somewhere.”

Hundreds of pages of RCMP files on the Students’ Administrative Council at the University of Toronto were released to The Canadian Press by Library and Archives Canada.

The RCMP’s intelligence branch was disbanded in 1984 following a series of scandals, and a new civilian agency, the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, took over most domestic spying duties.

In 1968-69, Rae was a member of the student council led by Steven Langdon who, like Rae, would later serve as a New Democrat MP. The two were seen as moderates on a council that included more extreme representatives on both the left and right of the political spectrum.

Rae also helped put together large conferences, known as teach-ins — one on China and a followup on religion and politics for which Michael Ignatieff, another Liberal leader in the making, served as a principal organizer.

“It was an exciting time,” Rae recalled. “We did manage to reform the governance of the University of Toronto. There was a lot of activism and discussion about ideas and about politics.

“That’s what you do in university. The idea that there’s a cop at the back of the room who’s writing everything down — I guess that was also a reality of the time.”

Rae became interim Liberal leader following Ignatieff’s resignation from the post last year. As the party prepares for a biennial conference in Ottawa this weekend, there is renewed speculation that Rae is eyeing a run at the permanent leadership next year.

As a budding student politician, Rae was seized with issues including the university’s plans for increasing graduate program enrolment and renovations to campus residences.

A secret and heavily redacted memo prepared by an RCMP sergeant on Nov. 4, 1968 — likely based on details from an informant — notes seven individuals including Rae were planning to meet to discuss student business.

A space after Rae’s name is blacked out — almost certainly cloaking the number of the personal file the RCMP would have opened on him, said Steve Hewitt, author of Spying 101: The RCMP’s Secret Activities at Canadian Universities, 1917-1997.

“So they’re obviously interested in monitoring student politicians — who are the ones they need to keep a longer-term watch on, who are the real radicals?” said Hewitt.

For privacy reasons, the public is allowed access to RCMP files on individuals only 20 years after the person’s death. While a number of files of historical value — including a large one on former NDP leader Tommy Douglas — were transferred to Library and Archives, many were destroyed.

Hewitt believes the RCMP file on Rae would have been preserved for posterity given that he was a young member of Parliament in the early 1980s before going on to become the first NDP premier of Ontario.

In an odd twist, Rae would later serve on the Security Intelligence Review Committee — the federally appointed watchdog that keeps an eye on CSIS — before re-entering politics as a Liberal. At the review committee he directly wrestled with the tension between the legitimate right to protest and security officials’ fears of extremist activity.

…

The Canadian Press
Published Thursday, Jan. 12, 2012 7:09AM EST

Find this story at 12 January 2012

More on Bob Rae

© 2012 All rights reserved.

A Canadian naval intelligence officer has pleaded guilty to spying for Russia, a public admission of an embarrassing espionage scandal that has damaged Canada’s reputation among allies and will likely reverberate for years.

In a Halifax court Wednesday, Sub-Lieutenant Jeffrey Delisle, 41, pleaded guilty to two charges under the Security of Information Act of “communicating with a foreign entity,” and a Criminal Code offence of breach of trust.

His admission lifts a publication ban placed on details of the Crown’s case against SLt. Delisle. A prosecutor at bail hearings in the spring said Russia was the beneficiary of SLt. Delisle’s four-and-a-half years of espionage, and cited intelligence sources who feared it could push Canada’s relations with allied intelligence organizations “back to the Stone Age.”

The sailor, whose last post was the ultra-secure Trinity naval intelligence gathering centre in Halifax, had access to top military secrets – databases with protected information from Canada and the country’s allies through intelligence-sharing systems such as the “Five Eyes” network linking Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Britain and the United States.

SLt. Delisle, the court was told, searched military databases for the term “Russia,” smuggled the details out of his office using a USB memory stick – and handed the fruits of his labours over to agents for Moscow every 30 days.

The information was mostly military but also contained reports on organized crime, political players and senior defence officials. It included e-mails, phone numbers and a contact list for members of the intelligence community.

The naval officer has been held in custody at the Central Nova Scotia Correctional Facility in Halifax since his arrest in January and will not be sentenced until early next year.

SLt. Delisle could be looking at a long stay behind bars but not life imprisonment, his lawyer suggested.

The Crown, meanwhile, will be scouring the world for case law to convince a judge that the sailor must remain imprisoned as there are no precedents in law. This is the first time anyone in Canada will be sentenced under the Security of Information Act, which was created more than a decade ago in response to the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks.

SLt. Delisle was a rare catch for the Russian government: a spy who walked in from the cold.

It was back in mid-2007 that the Canadian Forces member first embarked on his traitorous side career. He strode into the Russian embassy in Ottawa, volunteering to sell out his country. He would earn about $3,000 a month for this service.

“I said I wanted to talk to a security officer, which are usually GRU,” SLt. Delise said of Russian military intelligence, in a statement read by a Crown prosecutor this spring. “I showed my ID card. They took me into an [office] … asked me a bunch of questions, took my name and off I go.”

It would be the only time SLt. Delisle would meet personally with a Russian handler on Canadian soil.

SLt. Delisle had an escape plan in place – one he never got a chance to use, the court heard. If he needed to seek refuge or re-establish contact with the Russians, he was told he could walk into a Russian embassy – preferably not the one in Ottawa – and inform them he was “Alex Campbell.”

The Russians would then ask him “Did I meet you at a junk show in Austria?” And he was supposed to reply: “No, it was in Ottawa.”

The “day I flipped sides,” as SLt. Delisle described it to his Canadian police interrogators, came as his marriage of nearly a decade was unravelling.

The naval officer told authorities he didn’t do it for money but rather for “ideological reasons” – and was acutely aware his life as he knew it was now over.

“That was the end of my days as Jeff Delisle,” the sailor said, according to the Crown prosecutor. “It was professional suicide.”

The Canadian sailor was paid by wire transfer for the first four years. At first he was paid $5,000 but this quickly dropped to about $2,800 a month and then finally $3,000 every 30 days. This continued until about five months before he was caught, when the Russians changed how they paid him.

The Russians had devised a simple method for SLt. Delisle to hand over information. He and his Russian handler shared a single e-mail account on Gawab.com, a Middle Eastern provider.

The Canadian spy would log in and compose an e-mail. He’d copy and paste the stolen information into the body of the e-mail. But instead of sending the message he would save it in the draft e-mail folder and log out.

The Russians would subsequently log in to the Gawab account, retrieve the information and then write him a draft e-mail in reply – one that was saved but never sent.

In the months before they arrested SLt. Delisle, Canadian authorities managed to break into the Gawab account and trick the sailor into leaving purloined secrets for them.

He also felt pressured to comply with the Russians, who made not too subtle threats.

“They had photos of me. They had photos of my children. I knew exactly what it was for,” the Crown said SLt. Delisle told them.

The Canadian spy’s relationship with Moscow began to change in late summer of 2011. It started with a trip to Brazil to meet a Russian handler named “Victor.”

The Crown’s narrative has gaps in it but it appeared that either the sailor or the Russians believed his ability to gather intelligence might be curtailed.

Moscow proposed that the Canadian Forces member’s role change – that he become what they called “the pigeon” – the liaison between all agents in Canada working for Russia’s military intelligence unit.

…

STEVEN CHASE and JANE TABER

OTTAWA and HALIFAX — The Globe and Mail

Published Wednesday, Oct. 10 2012, 8:52 PM EDT

Last updated Wednesday, Oct. 10 2012, 10:50 PM EDT

Find this story at 10 October 2012

© Copyright 2012 The Globe and Mail Inc. All Rights Reserved.

American intelligence officials supplied vital information in the early days of the investigation that climaxed with the arrest of an accused spy inside Canada’s top-secret naval signals centre, sources say.

The involvement of the United States in building the case against Sub-Lieutenant Jeffrey Delisle adds a key new detail to a story that Ottawa is anxious to keep under wraps.

The Canadian government has been tight-lipped on how it learned that there was a leak of confidential secrets to a foreign power – and the way it went about building a case against the sub-lieutenant.

Canadian officials have privately identified Russia as the recipient of secrets, and the Russian ambassador to this country said last February that Moscow has an agreement with the Canadian government to “keep quiet” about any connection between his nation and the spy case.

SLt. Delisle is in custody after being charged in January with passing state secrets to a foreign country. The sailor, who last worked at Trinity, a Halifax naval intelligence hub, faces the possibility of life in prison if convicted.

SLt. Delisle, 41, has not yet entered a plea; his next court appearance is in June.

The Globe and Mail reported in March that the fallout from the Delisle case has done significant damage to Ottawa’s treasured intelligence-sharing relationships with key allies such as the U.S. It’s also embarrassed the Department of National Defence, which is now looking to restore confidence in its ability to keep secrets.

A source familiar with the matter said Canada helped build its investigation of SLt. Delisle through contact with its biggest ally: “It’s not just one nugget of information that I would describe as a tipoff. [Rather]It’s an accumulation of information that leads to an investigation coming to a point where, okay, we have enough to go after this person.”

The extent of what the U.S told Canada is still unclear. “Sometimes we’re able to match – or in some cases co-ordinate – some of that intelligence and paint the picture that we need to make decisions,” the source said.

The source said Canada and the U.S. have a privileged relationship in sharing this type of information through security forces including the Central Intelligence Agency, the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, and the Communications Security Establishment Canada.

…

STEVEN CHASE

OTTAWA — The Globe and Mail

Published Wednesday, May. 23 2012, 4:00 AM EDT

Last updated Wednesday, Oct. 10 2012, 10:48 AM EDT

Find this story at 23 May 2012

© Copyright 2012 The Globe and Mail Inc. All Rights Reserved.